Electoral Bonds Judgment: Implications for Corporate Financing & Information Disclosure
[By Vaibhav Mishra] The author is a student of Hidayatullah National Law University. INTRODUCTION In the Union Budget session of 2017-18, Parliament passed the Finance Act 2017 [Act] to lay down the legal framework for the ‘Electoral Bonds Scheme (EBS)’. The scheme sought to create a new model of electoral financing in the country. The Act carried out inter-related amendments to company law, income-tax law, and electoral laws to legally operationalize this scheme. The most crucial characteristics of the scheme were brought through amendments in Section 182 of the Company Act 2013 (Section 182). The implications of the amendment were two-fold, viz, first, removal of the upper-cap limit on the corporate funding, second, information disclosure requirement. The scheme raised various concerns like voters’ right to information, transparency, corporate influence on elections, etc. Therefore, amidst such concerns, the scheme was challenged in the Supreme Court as being violative of the Constitution. Recently, the Supreme Court in its judgment has declared the EBS scheme as violative of the constitution. The Supreme Court invoked two principles – the principle of manifest arbitrariness to test the vires of unlimited corporate funding and the principle of double proportionality for the removal of information disclosure requirements in the context of voter’s right to information. In light of the above, the article analyses the judgment with a focus on the two most crucial aspects of this financing model viz, unlimited corporate funding and removal of disclosure requirements along with their implications. It also highlights the importance of addressing both issues for creating any viable electoral financing model in the future. Furthermore, it also delves into the UK’s model to suggest possible changes in the Indian model of electoral financing. ANALYSING SECTION 182: EXAMINING EFFECTS POST-2017 AMENDMENT Section 154 of the Act amended Section 182 which regulated corporate funding to political parties. In the pre-amendment position, Section 182 gave a three-fold requirement to regulate corporate funding – 1) upper-cap of 7.5% of the average net profit of three preceding financial years; 2) authorization of the board of directors; and 3) information disclosure requirements. In this framework, the upper limit on corporate donations was supposed to keep a check on any undue influence of big corporations on elections. Furthermore, transparency and accountability were promoted through obligations of information disclosure and consent of the board of directors. However, the 2017 amendment to Section 182 for laying the legal framework of EBS, removed the upper limit on corporate funding and disclosure mandates. Therefore, as a result of amendment, EBS was characterized by two key elements viz, 1) anonymity of the donor company & recipient 2) unlimited corporate funding. Therefore, the new electoral financing model created by EBS as noted above, was now plagued with a lack of transparency & accountability having several implications, as discussed below. VIRES OF UNLIMITED CORPORATE FUNDING & POTENTIAL IMPLICATIONS In this case, Section 154 of the Act which amended Section 182, was challenged as violative of Article 14. There was uncertainty concerning the applicability of the principle of manifest arbitrariness under Article 14 in deciding the constitutionality of unlimited corporate funding. The court analysed the complex jurisprudence that evolved over this principle to decide its applicability in the present context. The majority opinion of Justice Faiz Nariman in Shayara Bano v Union of India proved to be a deciding factor [Para 187]. He had opined that vires of legislation could be challenged solely on the grounds of the principle of manifest arbitrariness as it is a constitutional infirmity in itself. Therefore, the court invoking this principle, held the scheme as violative of Article 14. The unlimited corporate funding in elections strikes at the heart of the democratic process by violating the principle of free & fair elections. Therefore, its presence in the electoral financing model could have several implications. The wording of the provision in clause (1) of Section 182 after the 2017 amendment, i.e., the deletion of the proviso stipulating donation limits based on net profits, suggests that the provision fails to create a distinction between profit and loss-making companies. If we consider the possibility of a loss-making company giving donations, the purpose could not be other than having quid-pro-quo arrangements with the government which could unduly influence the electoral process. Furthermore, this structure creates the possibility of the creation of a shell company solely to make donations. Therefore, the potential consequences of omitting an upper cap for corporate donations in any future model can’t be ignored. An analysis of recent data released by ADR, an electoral watchdog in India, suggests that corporate donations in India have increased by 974% between FY 2012-13 and FY 2018-19. A similar trend had been observed in the US after the Supreme Court’s decision in Citizens United v FEC in 2010. The judgment held the upper cap limit on independent corporate expenditure as violative of the First Amendment – which protects free speech. However, the judgment failed to anticipate the potential influence of big corporations in elections as a consequence. The data suggests a 900 % increase in corporate donations in American elections between 2008-2016. Therefore, any future financing model in the Indian scenario should address the issue of unlimited corporate funding. IMPLICATIONS OF SECTION 182(3): REMOVAL OF INFORMATION DISCLOSURE REQUIREMENT The presence of information disclosure mandates from donors is crucial in a democratic electoral financing model. However, EBS eliminated such disclosure mandates for companies and political parties. Therefore, EBS was challenged as being violative of Article 19(1) (a) of the Indian Constitution, i.e., voter’s right to information. In this context, Section 182(3) of the Company Act, 2013 was also challenged as it changed the pre-amendment position that mandated a donor company to reveal particulars of its donation in a P&L account. The information disclosure was instrumental in identifying any potential quid pro quo arrangements or corruption in the transactions [Para 172]. The removal of such a mandate impeded a citizen’s right to exercise an informed vote. Furthermore, the amendment also altered the original purpose of the
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